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Monday, April 26, 2010

Old Beijing disappearing under the steamroller of modernization

Beijing, China (CNN) -- Chairman Mao had a dream. A few years after he led the Communist Party to victory, Mao stood on the Tiananmen rostrum and, talking to his comrades, expressed his wish to one day see Beijing's skyline dotted by chimneys -- his idea of a modern socialist China. Now his dream has come true. Beijing's sky is lined, not just by chimneys, but by skyscrapers too.

Not long ago, many Chinese thought the only way to modernize China was to "destroy the old and build the new." In the 1990s, when Deng Xiaoping's reform program was in full swing, Beijing's old city came under attack from the big wrecking ball of modernization.

That was around the time when Wang Jun, author of two best-selling books on urban history and planning in China, moved from his hometown of Guizhou to Beijing to start his career as a Xinhua News Agency reporter. His beat was city planning and development. In 1993, he remembers, Beijing's city planning office decreed that all new buildings near the Forbidden City would be subject to height restrictions in the interests of the historical city. For Wang, this regulation highlighted the importance of protecting old Beijing and made him want to do his part.

Since then, Wang has become an outspoken advocate of saving old cities and their cultural and architectural legacies. To Beijing residents, whose houses are threatened with demolition or who have been forced to relocate to make way for real estate developers, Wang Jun is a kind of folk hero. To scholars of traditional architecture, he is a fearless fighter. But to officials who wish to boost GDP figures through property development, he is a troublemaker.

Wang Jun spent ten years collecting materials for "Beijing Records," his first book published in 2003. "Writing a book is like building a house," he says. "You cannot cheat and cut corners in labor and materials." His second best-seller, "Cities in the Reporter's Notebook" was published in 2008.

Over a cup of tea in his apartment in suburban Beijing, Wang Jun talked with CNN's Jaime FlorCruz and Chen Xiaoni about how Beijing has changed over the years.

Some people say they felt nostalgic about the Beijing of the 1950's and 60's after reading "Beijing's Records." But after reading "Cities in the Reporter's Notebook" they felt sorrow for today's Beijing. Is that the message you wished to convey?

As a journalist, I have no intention to provoke negative feelings. "Beijing's Records" was about Beijing's history in the 50's and 60's. I wanted to answer one question: How was the old town of Beijing, a city with more than 3,000 years of history, destroyed in a few years during the second half of the 20th century? "Cities in the Reporter's Notebook" is about the current situation in Chinese cities, including Beijing. In it, I tried to answer what is pushing the biggest urbanization in human history? How did it happen? Many problems mentioned in these two books are not unique to China. Beijing was a densely populated city that was suitable for walking. And yet more roads, gated communities and giant shopping centers are being built. People have to drive around to get things done. I'm just trying to show the readers how their lives have been changed, like it or not.

So are you happy or sad about the state of contemporary Beijing?

All cities are facing and dealing with their own set of problems. Beijing is no different. Since the 1950s, Beijing's government has built a new town over the old one, using the same city center, surrounded by ring roads and expanding it concentrically. Most of the jobs are in the city center so the suburbs have virtually become "dormitory towns" for hundreds of thousands of people. Commuting between job and home causes tremendous traffic congestion. When the new China was founded [in 1949], some Chinese scholars foresaw these serious problems due to development. They suggested separating the old city and the new city in order to balance employment and residential needs. Regretfully, Chinese decision-makers didn't heed their advice.

When Beijing began preparations for the 2008 Olympics, various sectors -- the community, the central and city government officials -- finally realized that many of Beijing's problems are caused by its single-centered city structure. They decided to make an urban planning adjustment by separating the new and old cities to protect Beijing's old town, focusing on developing three new towns in the east -- Tongzhou, Yizhuang and Shunyi. The State Council approved it and it's included in Beijing's 2020 master plan. If the goal is realized, many problems like traffic and conflict between development and protection can be solved.

Do you have any suggestions for Beijing's urban planners?

The problem is how to achieve the new city master plan, which now emphasizes public involvement. This is a good approach. In recent years, public opinion has increasingly been taken into consideration in Beijing's city development, although there are still problems.

In your first book, you seem to say Beijing's hutongs (traditional neighborhoods) are dead and gone. But since the population in Beijing has increased so dramatically in recent years, how do you expect people to be housed if the hutongs are not torn down to make way for high-rises?

I didn't say Beijing's hutong has died. It's still panting. I do want to write a book called "The Death of the Hutong" and answer these questions: Why have Beijing's traditional hutongs and courtyards disappeared so rapidly during the peacetime and economic development period? Why are the left-over courtyards so dilapidated? Why is nobody taking care of them? And how has the urban fabric changed?

The population increase is not the reason for the decline of the hutongs. In Beijing, the old city occupies less than 6 percent of the total area. The increasing population could live outside the old town, so it's not necessary to tear down courtyards and build high-rises there. The courtyards are worth preserving. They are important examples of the oriental housing culture. Even though they are low-rise structures, they can comfortably house large numbers of people because of their dense design and efficient lay-out. In Beijing in 1949, for example, more than 20,000 people lived in one square kilometer of space. It worked fine.

How do you find Beijing's new landmark architecture, such as the new CCTV tower, the National Opera Theater and the "Bird's Nest"? What do they say of contemporary Beijing?

Those so-called new landmarks are all important Chinese projects and they are all designed by Westerners. This demonstrates China's openness. In Chinese history, only Russian architects enjoyed such an opportunity in the 1950s. These new landmarks have provoked widespread discussion in Chinese society to a degree never seen before. This also shows that Chinese society has become more diversified and open. As a developing city, of course Beijing needs modern architecture. It's difficult for me to say whether or not Beijing needs buildings with interesting shapes like the New CCTV tower, National Opera Theater and the Bird's Nest. They are already completed and have become part of Beijing. Many people don't like them.

How do old cities like Beijing balance and blend the styles of the old buildings with new architecture?

It's important that we protect the old city while developing a new town. Let's stop destroying the old town and concentrate on developing new cities. Beijing's new master plan, approved by the State Council in 2005, says so.

Last year, some people tried to self-immolate to protest against forced relocation from their homes. Land grabbing is causing social disharmony. What is the key to solving this problem?

The key is to change local governments' financial and taxation systems. In 1998, China started housing reform. Public housing was privatized. Real estate exchange markets were established, but still today, there's no property tax. City governments invest in public services that drive up land prices, but the city governments cannot benefit from such investment. China's constitution, promulgated in 1982, says the government owns land. An amendment in 1988 says the rights to use land may be transferred. From then on, a big chunk of the city governments' revenue came from selling land after relocating people. It's the only way to return the cost of investing in public services, but it causes serious social problems. How do you impose property tax when land belongs to the State? That's an urban planning issue with Chinese characteristics.

You say: "China's city planning should go side by side with China's democratic process." Can you explain?

The Chinese society has gone through profound changes. Some 80 percent of Chinese housing is privatized. Housing has become the Chinese people's most important property. Since the privatization of housing in 1998, a common theme has been home owners protecting their rights. This has prompted the government to pass in 2007 a landmark "Property Law" protecting legal rights of property owners. City planning must consider public opinion and allow the community to self-manage in order to push China's democratic development forward.

Democrat dissolution case to court

The Election Commission on Monday submitted a petition to the Constitution Court seeking to dissolve the Democrat Party in connection with the alleged misuse of the 29 million baht political development fund, said EC deputy secretary-general Thanis Sriprathes.

The 8,000-page petition was accompanied by the individual judgement on the case of each of the five election commissioners.

The Democrat Party's proposed dissolution is based on two allegations.

The first involves the 29 million baht political development fund allocated by the EC. The party is alleged to have misused it.

The second case concerns an allegation that the party has unlawfully received a donation of 258 million baht from TPI Polene, a listed company, in violation of the Politcal Party Act.

Mr Thanis said the petition on the 258 million baht donation case, which also recommends dissolution of the Democrat Party, was being drafted and expected to be forwarded to the Office of the Attorney General in early May.

Govt claims plot targets King Network members include politicians Published: 27/04/2010 at 01:14 AM Online news: Local News

The Centre for the Resolution to Emergency Situations claims to have uncovered a plot to overthrow the monarchy.

The CRES said the network behind the plot included key leaders of the United Front for Democracy against Dictatorship, members of the Puea Thai Party and former banned politicians, academics and hosts of community radio programmes.

Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva said yesterday the CRES had put together the pieces of the “political jigsaw”. He said people involving in the network could face legal action.

The prime minister and the armed forces have long suspected the UDD rally had a higher purpose than just forcing a dissolution of the House of Representatives.

CRES spokesman Sansern Kaewkamnerd said the demonstration, which started in mid-March, had attacked the higher institution through UDD leaders and the red shirts’ media.

The CRES yesterday ordered red shirt protesters to walk away from road blockades or face a crackdown by a joint police-military operation. Col Sansern Kaewkamnerd said any attempts by UDD supporters to obstruct convoys of security authorities would face the same action taken yesterday at Wang Noi district in Ayutthaya.

Police from the Regions 1 and 7 and soldiers from the 1st Calvary Battalion decided to break up a checkpoint set up illegally by the UDD late yesterday afternoon. The operations prompted some UDD members to flee the area.

The centre decided to take action after buses, taxies and other vehicles were checked by nearly 400 UDD members, causing heavy traffic congestion on Phahon Yothin Road near the outer ring road in the district.

The latest operation came as political tension shifted from the capital to the provinces where red shirt members blockaded soldiers and police assigned for reinforcement in Bangkok.

UDD leaders are concerned more police and soldiers are part of the government’s plan to launch another effort to clamp down on the demonstrators at Ratchaprasong intersection.

The capital was rocked by grenade attacks in front of the house of Chart Thai Pattana Party chief adviser Banharn Silpa-archa on Sunday night and a bomb threats in front of Chulalongkorn Hospital and a car showroom.

UDD protesters yesterday gathered in Pathum Thani, Saraburi, Chachoengsao, Phitsanulok and Ayutthaya.

Ayutthaya appeared to bear the brunt of separate UDD rallies in Phra Nakhon Si Ayutthaya district, where they seized five police vans and detained six soldiers, police officers said.

A group of nearly 100 UDD protesters, led by Puea Thai MP for Ayutthaya Surachet Chaikosol, used motorcycles and tuk tuks to block a road in Phra Nakhon Si Ayutthaya district to prevent Lop Buri police reportedly travelling in 14 vans to Bangkok.

Five vans were seized by the group while the rest managed to flee from the blockade to other routes.

In Saraburi’s Nong Khae district, about 200 UDD protesters blocked a section of Phahon Yothin Road to inspect vehicles heading to Bangkok.

Many motorists became angry while they were inspected by the protesters. Meanwhile, in Chachoengsao, about 200 UDD protesters used 15 songthaew passenger trucks and motorcycles to block entrances and exits at Chachoengsao police station to prevent officers from travelling to Bangkok.

Their blockade prompted Chachoengsao police chief Monton Mianan to call an urgent meeting on a way to take 300 officers from the station to join other security officers in Bangkok.

Police used road spikes on Chachongsao- Kabin Buri road.

Police in Phitsanulok also faced a similar blockage when the 31st Border Patrol Police division at Fort Phraya Chakri was surrounded by the UDDlinked Red Shirt Phitsanulok 51. More than 150 officers were prevented from leaving their base for a mission in Bangkok as about 100 protesters placed logs, rocks and objects across a road in front of the division.

However, border patrol police decided to go through the protesters who used women as their front line and had men throw stones and wood at the officers. The police, equipped with batons and shields, eventually managed to get out of the area although the action sparked a clash in which some protesters were injured.

Meanwhile, UDD leader Natthawut Saikua said the UDD was planning to move today from the Ratchaprasong stronghold to undisclosed locations.

“It’s time for another an offensive drive,” he said. “The government has been trying hard to crack down on the red shirt demonstration and we want them to know that we remain firm on our goal to oust the Abhisit Vejjajiva government.”

Friday, April 23, 2010

Red shirts soften their demands



Published: 24/04/2010 at 12:00 AM
Newspaper section: News
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Red shirt leaders have softened their stance and proposed to the government a new deadline - that it dissolve the House in 30 days, in a move which has drawn both scepticism and hope.

The compromise offer made yesterday came after red shirt leaders allowed a group of foreign diplomats to observe their rally base at Ratchaprasong intersection in the afternoon.
UDD leader Veera Musikhapong told the diplomats that the UDD was proposing a new stance, that it dissolve the House in 30 days and that new elections be held 60 days after that. This should give the government 90 days to prepare.
He was to hold informal talks with the government last night on the proposal of a new election time-frame of 90 days.
He said that UDD leaders had reached a consensus on a new time frame out of concerns for the safety of the public following Thursday night's M79 grenade attacks in Silom which killed one woman and wounded more than 80 others.
"We are open to negotiation. We want to save lives and are ready to make sacrifices and negotiate," he said.
"This is a compromise time frame and the government should find it acceptable," he said.
Mr Veera said the UDD also wanted the government to end all forms of intimidation and set up a committee to investigate the April 10 and April 22 attacks and to take responsibility for the deaths.

"If the government can accept the conditions, we will negotiate. When an agreement is made, we will disperse and peace will return to the country," he said.
Red shirt co-leader Jatuporn Prompan accused the government of waging a proxy war and manipulating people to pursue its course.
"We just want to tell the world we are sensible and we know when to back down," he said, citing the meeting with the foreign diplomats.
"It pains me when people say that when there is an incident, it is the leaders who always survive.

So we think there should not be any more deaths even though we are willing to fight until death ourselves," he said.
While the government has yet to formally react, Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva said he would not be "intimidated" into finding political solutions.
"I have a duty to solve the problem. If I can't I should not be here," he said.
Before the red shirts' compromise offer, pressure was mounting for the government to take action and strictly enforce the law following the Silom grenade attacks.
Some Thai people said that if the government could not do anything, then it should resign. A coup was also a tempting choice.
"End the protest, dissolve the House, or stage a coup. I don't care, but I want action. There will be damages no matter what, but it is better than this ambiguity," said Manusak Laparojkij, one of the South's largest motorcycle distributors.
Ruam Chart Pattana MP Somchai Chatpattanasri said if the prime minister did not resign he should negotiate with the red shirts about a House dissolution.
Insisting that he was speaking as an individual and not on the party's behalf, he said the prime minister had no time to waste.
Army chief Gen Anupong Paojinda yesterday ruled out use of force to disperse the protest - to avoid huge losses on both sides.
A source said the army chief told a meeting of 200 unit commanders that the red shirts were armed and dangerous.
About 400 of them were armed and several thousand were trained in combat.
Their artillery included M79 grenades, M67 grenades, rocket propelled grenades, and assault rifles, some of which were seized in April 10 clashes.
The source said a dispersal could also trigger the red shirt movement in the provinces, and violence could escalate.
Army deputy spokeswoman Sirichan Ngathong quoted the army chief as saying that the uprising now had two objectives - to return to the corridors of power, and overthrow the monarchy.UDD co-leader Natthawut Saikua dismissed claims that the UDD was linked to the bomb attacks on anti-red shirt demonstrators on Silom Road. He insisted the UDD had stuck to a non-violent approach.
Mr Natthawut said the UDD felt regret for the families of the dead and injured.
He called on the government to step up efforts to find and punish those involved in the grenade attacks.